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This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1888 Excerpt: ...over-ruled by a two-thirds majority may seem frail. But the experience of a century has shown that, owing to the almost equal strength of the two great parties, the Houses often differ, and there is rarely a two-thirds majority of the same colour in both. Hence the Executive has enjoyed some independence. He is strong for defence, if not for attack. Congress can, except within that narrow sphere which the Constitution has absolutely reserved to him, baffle the President, can interrogate, check, and worry his ministers. But it can neither drive him the way it wishes 1 In moments of public danger, as during the War of Secession, the executive of course springs up into immense power, partly because the command of the army is then of the first importance; partly because the legislature, feeling its unfitness for swift and secret decisions, gives free rein to the Executive, and practically puts its law-making powers at his disposal. 2 What is said here of the national executive and national legislature is a fortiori true of the State executive and State legislatures. The State governor has no power of independent action whatever, being checked at every Btep by State statutes, and his discretion superseded by the minute directions which those statutes contain. He has not even ministers, because the other chief officials of the State are chosen, not by himself, but by popular vote. He has very little patronage; and he has no foreign policy at all. The State legislature would therefore prevail against him in everything, were it not for his veto and for the fact that the legislature is now generally restrained (by the provisions of the State constitution) from passing laws on many topics. (See post, Chapters XXXVII-XLV. him to go, nor dismiss them for disobedience o...
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